The debate on the scope for looser fiscal policy just does not go
away. With every ONS release it seems,
the cry for more action goes up. But,
unlike the popular media, I am not terribly interested in whether Keynes or
Hayek are right or what they would have done.
Much to our, no doubt, great loss they are dead and so we must really
work it out ourselves. The key
questions we have to ask are pretty obvious and yet is continually amazes me
that the debate is so little illuminated by answers to these questions:
·
What is the level of public debt relative to income and is it on a
sustainable path?
·
Relatedly, what is the financial market’s appetite for holding UK
government debt – is the demand curve perfectly elastic or rather inelastic?
·
What is the likely level of spare capacity in the economy?
Your empirical answers to these questions will help frame your views on
whether fiscal policy should be eased.
If you think that the level of debt is well characterised by net debt
excluding financial interventions (66.2% at the end of the second quarter of
2012), that financial markets are willing to hold a lot more UK debt without
asking for higher interest rates and there is a lot of spare capacity in the
economy then I forecast that you will be asking for an end to fiscal
consolidation and some activism. On the
other hand, is you think the total obligations of the public sector are large (around
165% on a gross basis at the end of 2011) relative to the financial market’s
willingness to hold more debt and that there may not be very much spare
capacity, the I forecast you will not be calling for a Fiscal Plan B.
The first chart below show the path of public to GDP under net and gross
calculations including or excluding the obligations arising from assistance to
the financial sector. A nice stable path
prior to 2007 is disrupted and shocked markedly upwards as the economy delivered
a sequence of large negative growth rates and the banking sector required some
recapitalisation. My preferred measure
of public debt in normal times, gross
debt (which accounts for all government debt issued and liabilities arising)
has itself doubled since 2007. When we
add in financial interventions, it has quadrupled. These kinds of debt numbers are unprecedented
in peacetime in the UK and ought to warn us about any attempts to ease fiscal
policy further.
It is said that the first round of QE (Bank of England-sponsored temporary
purchases of bonds from the private sector over 2009 to 2010) knocked some 50
Bp off ten-year bonds yields (see Meaning and Zhu, 2012). In other words by reducing the net supply of
debt that has to be absorbed by the private sector, bond prices are higher than
they would otherwise be and so yields correspondingly lower. Although it is encouraging that these
purchases had a significant impact on yields, the exact same net supply story
also means that further debt issuance would actually raise yields unless
accompanied by further QE operations. I
suppose it might possible to raise levels of public debt and keep interest
rates low by ever larger quantities of QE but such a joint strategy really would
amount to the monetary financing of fiscal deficits. The basic idea of QE originally was to
provide some direct impact on bond yields conditioned on the stance of fiscal
policy not to allow the fiscal policy to issue more debt than they would
otherwise have chosen.
Whether we want to issue a lot more debt might, apart from any nuances on
monetary-fiscal interactions, really depend on our view of the amount of spare
capacity in the economy, the output gap.
I have extended the most recent release for GDP (2012 q2) to the third
quarter of 2015 using the most likely path of output from the Bank of England’s
August Inflation Report. And then run
two very simple measures to de-trend: (i) a(n) (HP-)filter that allows the
trend to vary over time and (ii) one that assumes the time trend is fixed. Unsurprisingly the latter introduces
significantly more variance into the cycle than the former. The time trend suggests significant spare
capacity whilst the filter suggests that the output gap has closed. For comparison, I cross check these estimates
against those of the OBR and find that their estimates are highly correlated
with the filter but suggest on average a couple of percent more spare
capacity. If, in your view, more
expansionary fiscal policy only affects demand and you do not believe in the
time trend measure, then you also will not be inclined to argue for more
expansionary fiscal policy.
So rather than taking a high minded position on the philosophy of
expansion and providing rhetoric on the need for growth, I would encourage
economists to estimate some of these key parameters and so allow us to make a
rational choice on the basis of the facts.
To the extent that we are uncertain of many key parameters, economics tends
to advise policy to be employed in a cautious manner and that mean changing
less rather than more. It also means
that the case for radical alternatives need to be fairly clear cut. Now how about some analysis based on some numbers?